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Global Issues >> International Trade
International Trade
NAFTA, CAFTA, and FTAA
Recent polling suggests that there is no clear positive
or negative public attitude on NAFTA. Americans are divided
as to whether it has been good or bad. Yet, a plurality wants
to see changes to NAFTA, and a majority expresses dissatisfaction.
These reservations appear to arise from concerns that, while
business is benefiting, NAFTA can have negative impacts on
American workers' jobs and wages and on the environment. Attitudes
are also very divided about CAFTA, with the public showing
similar concerns. Support for CAFTA would be robust, however,
if key public concerns were addressed. It appears that there
is slim majority support for expanding free trade to include
other American countries, such as the proposed Free Trade
Area of the Americas (FTAA). However, this is based on minimal
polling and very general questions.
In several polls conducted over the last few years a plurality
has expressed the view that, on balance, NAFTA is something
positive. Such responses are usually obtained with the simplest,
most direct questions. In a June 2005 PIPA poll a plurality
of 46% viewed NAFTA as good for the US while 40% saw it as
bad. Pluralities of 47% and 44% also felt it was good in PIPA
polls in 2004 and 1999. In a November 2002 Ipsos-Reid poll,
48% of respondents said that the United States has been a
“winner” as a result of NAFTA and 37% felt that
the United States was a “loser as a result of NAFTA.”
As with trade overall, Americans are positive when thinking
about their role as a consumer. A July 2004 CCFR poll found
that 44% said NAFTA was good for “consumers like you”
(30% bad) and 51% said it was good for the “standard
of living” (33% bad). Asked about its impact on the
US economy, the same poll found the public divided, with 42%
saying good and 43% saying bad. As noted below, reservations
about NAFTA are driven by concerns about jobs.[1]
However, when questions include descriptions of NAFTA as a
free trade agreement that includes Mexico, the public is more
negative. In April 2005, an IPSOS-Reid poll again asked whether
the US had been a winner or loser as a result of NAFTA, but
preceded the question with the statement, “Canada, the
United States and Mexico entered into the North American Free
Trade Agreement, NAFTA, in 1992 to reduce trade barriers and
allow for a North American trading zone for the greater flow
of goods and services between these countries. This agreement
came into force in 1994.” After hearing that description,
47% said the US was a loser and 43% said it was a winner.
A plurality said that NAFTA was “bad for the US”
in an August 1997 Gallup poll that incorrectly described NAFTA
as being a trade agreement only with Mexico. In that case,
47% said that it was bad, while 37% said it was good. However,
when Gallup asked the same question in May 2000 these numbers
virtually reversed, to 47% saying it was good and 39% saying
it was bad. When the Los Angeles Times (September 1997) mentioned
all three countries, the response was divided at 39% good
and bad. [1a]
In many of these polls, a fairly important percentage –
usually around 15% or higher - has volunteered a middling
response or said they don’t know. Thus, it is not surprising
that when a question offers an explicit middle option, a substantial
percentage chooses it. This suggests there is no majority
in favor of either a positive or negative assessment of NAFTA
overall. An Ipsos Public Affairs poll from February 2005 asked
if NAFTA had been “a good deal for the United States,
a bad deal for the United States, or has it been neither good
nor bad.” It found a plurality of 32% saying neither,
with good and bad responses very divided, at 26% and 28%,
respectively. In a November 2002 Ipsos-Reid poll, 34% said
NAFTA had benefited the US, 32% said it had hurt the country,
23% said it had no impact one way or another. Similarly, in
a National Opinion Research Center poll concluded in January
2005, a plurality of 32% chose the middle option of “somewhat
benefits”, while only 14% said NAFTA greatly or largely
benefits the US, and 19% said it only benefits the US a little
or not at all. Another such poll, by NBC-Wall Street Journal
in September 2002, found a more negative response, but consistent
with the polls mentioned above it described the agreement
as including Canada and Mexico. In that instance, a plurality
of 35% said that NAFTA had a more negative impact on the US
economy. Only 18% said it had a positive impact, but 27% said
it had not had much of an impact. Also, in each of these polls,
a substantial pecentage – ranging from 12% to 28% said
they simply did not know.[1b]
These divided and unsure responses make sense if the public
does not really have a meaningful understanding of the impact
of NAFTA. Whether NAFTA has been good or bad for the US is
a fairly technical question over which even many experts disagree.
Indeed, when an August 1999 poll by the Washington Post, Kaiser
Family Foundation and Harvard University explicitly offered
the option--"or haven't you heard enough to say?"--51%
chose that option, while 24% said NAFTA had been good and
20% thought it had been bad. Unfortunately, this question
has not been repeated more recently. [2]
At the same time, it appears that NAFTA evokes a somewhat
cooler feeling tone. In three polls of voters by Greenberg
Research, respondents were asked to rate their feelings on
NAFTA using a temperature scale of 1 to 100, with 100 signifying
a warm, favorable feeling, 0 signifying a very cold, unfavorable
feeling and 50 representing a neither warm nor cold feeling.
Between late 2002 and mid-2005, the mean temperature ranged
between 42.0 and 47.2, with a plurality consistently giving
a cool response (0-49).
Warm ratings (51-100 degrees) were given by only 31% of May
respondents, and 27% of respondents in both November and January
gave a warm rating between 51 and 100 degrees. Cool ratings
were given by 30% in both May and January, and 29% in November.
Twenty-two percent in May, 24% in January, and 23% in November
rated their feelings about NAFTA as neither warm nor cool.
[2a]
But when asked in principle what should happen to the level
of trade between the US, Mexico and Canada, only a small minority
favors reducing it. Given three options in a IPSOS-Reid poll
conducted in April 2005, only 8% felt we should “reduce
the trade and integration of the economies of these three
countries.” Rather, 88% said that the “we should
keep trade between countries and their economies the way they
are today for the foreseeable future” (47%) or “we
should make trade even closer between these countries and
integrate the three economies further” (41%). An Ipsos-Reid
poll in November 2002 asked the same question and found similar
results. Thus, a fairly strong majority believes the United
States should, at a minimum, continue trade between the countries
as they are today. [2b]
In early 1996, three Time/CNN polls asked about withdrawing
from NAFTA and found only about a third in favor. About half
were opposed and the remainder unsure. [3]
Only a minority supports refusing to abide by NAFTA decisions
about trade between the three party countries. When an early
2005 National Opinion Research Center poll presented the statement,
“America should follow NAFTA decisions, even if it does
not agree with them,” only 31% disagreed. Although a
smaller percentage (15%)agreed that the US should follow such
decisions, a clear majority (54%) said they neither agreed
nor disagreed (27%) or could not choose (27%).[3a]
Reservations About and Desires to Change NAFTA
Even though more Americans evaluate NAFTA as having been modestly
good for the US, they nevertheless appear to have strong reservations
and a desire to make changes to it. In the March 2003 EPIC-MRA
poll, for example, when given three options for the future
of the trade agreement, just 21% said they wanted to "continue
the NAFTA agreement" as is. A majority of 57% believed
NAFTA should be "continued with changes." Thus,
while only 12% wanted to "pull out of NAFTA" completely,
a strong 69% majority expressed some dissatisfaction with
NAFTA. [4]
| Question: This year marks the [Xth] anniversary
of NAFTA. After observing how NAFTA has worked between
the United States, Mexico, and Canada over the past few
years, do you think America should continue the NAFTA
agreement, should America pull out of NAFTA, or should
it be continued with changes? |
| |
March 2003 |
May 2000 |
May 1999 |
May 1998 |
Continue
|
21 |
23 |
24 |
23 |
Pull out |
12 |
15 |
18 |
16 |
Continued with changes |
57 |
42 |
40 |
47 |
| Undecided/Don't know |
10 |
20 |
18 |
14 |
As with the growth of trade overall, Americans believe that
the impact of NAFTA has been more negative than they were
led to believe by government officials who supported the trade
pact. In a January 2004 poll, PIPA asked respondents to rate
on a scale of +5 to –5 how they felt “the effects
of the Northern American Free Trade Agreement, or NAFTA, have
been as compared to how US government officials said they
would be.” A plurality of 44% said the results were
less positive than they were told (-1 to –5 on the scale).
Only 12% said they were more positive (+1 to +5) and 30% said
they were about the same as indicated (rating of 0). The mean
response was -1.34. [4b]
Apparently, the biggest concern about NAFTA is its potential
impact on jobs. In a July 2004 CCFR poll, a mere 25% said
NAFTA was good for “job security for American workers.”
Sixty percent said it was bad. A February 2005 Ipsos Public
Affairs poll presented two arguments that contained a lot
of mixed concepts, but were primarily about jobs. A majority
of 51% chose the one that said, “NAFTA has been bad
for the U.S. economy because cheap imports from abroad have
hurt wages and cost jobs here at home. The U.S. should not
pursue free trade agreements with other countries in the future.”
Thirty-seven percent chose “NAFTA has been good for
the U.S. economy, because demand for U.S. products abroad
has resulted in economic growth and jobs for Americans at
home. The U.S. should continue to pursue free trade agreements
with other countries.” In a June 1999 Potomac Associates
and Opinion Dynamics poll, 52% said imports from Mexico "pose
a serious threat to the jobs of American workers" (42%
said Mexican imports were not a serious threat). [5]
More broadly, there has been a widespread perception that
NAFTA is a boon for American business, but a marginal benefit
for average Americans or workers. In the 2004 CCFR poll cited
above, in which fewer than one-third rated NAFTA as good for
workers, a plurality 50% said it was good for “American
companies” (36% bad).In various polls, strong majorities
of about 3 in 5 respondents have said that NAFTA would be
good for American business; less than half thought it would
be good for US consumers; and only about a third thought it
would be good for American workers. In February 1996, for
example, a Time/CNN poll found 58% thought "free trade
agreements like NAFTA and GATT are mostly good" for American
corporations, and 57 % thought the same for Wall Street investors.
However, only 45% felt such agreements to be good for American
consumers, and just 31% said the same for US workers. Time/CNN
and ABC/Washington Post polls taken in 1993 obtained similar
results for business and workers, though a majority did feel
consumers would benefit at that time. In an NBC News/Wall
Street Journal poll from September 1993, 55% of Americans
agreed that "only big American corporations will benefit"
from NAFTA (emphasis added); 37% disagreed. [6]
Numerous polls have shown pluralities or slight majorities
believe NAFTA has meant a loss of American jobs, not a gain.
The July 2004 CCFR poll found a majority of 56% saying that
NAFTA was bad for “creating jobs in the US”. Only
31% felt it was good for creating jobs. In an October 1996
survey by the Associated Press, just 21% said that NAFTA "makes
for more jobs" in the US, while 47% said it makes for
fewer jobs here (29% said they did not know). A September
1997 Zogby poll that asked those who said they were familiar
with NAFTA (58% of the sample) whether they believed that
it "has created more jobs or that it has led to a net
loss of jobs"--only 28% said NAFTA had led to more jobs,
while 44% thought it had resulted in a net loss of jobs. In
August 1996, a Los Angeles Times poll found that a majority
(52%) saying the "free trade agreement between Mexico
and the United States"-with no mention of Canada-had
"taken jobs away from the American people." Only
6% said it had "generated more jobs," and 24% said
it made no difference one way or the other. [7]
Consistent with the view that the US has lost jobs, a majority
has expressed the view that Mexico has gained. In 2004, a
strong majority of 69% said NAFTA had been good for creating
jobs in Mexico, and only 17% said it had been bad. In the
same poll, 69% also felt it was good for the Mexican economy
(CCFR). In the October 1996 AP poll56% thought it created
more jobs in Mexico, while just 12% said it meant fewer jobs
there and 32% did not know. Canada was seen as, on balance,
having gained jobs by a plurality of 39% (fewer jobs, 17%).
In the Los Angeles Times poll, four times as many respondents
thought Mexico had been the primary beneficiary of NAFTA as
thought the US had been (49% to 12%). Sixteen percent said
both countries had benefited equally. More recent polls have
also found concern about jobs loss to Mexico. [8]
In addition to concerns for jobs leaving the US, a plurality
has believed that NAFTA has exerted downward pressure on the
wages of US workers. In a 1997 poll sponsored by Wisconsin
Public Television, 45% said they believed free trade agreements
like NAFTA have done more to "keep wages down" in
the US, 26% said such agreements have not had much effect,
and only 17% said they believed they have done more to increase
wages. This is similar to data from 1993, when a Gallup/CNN/USA
Today poll found that 49% thought NAFTA would lower wages,
30% thought it would have no effect, and just 11% thought
it would raise wages. In a September 1993 NBC/Wall Street
Journal poll, 54% agreed with the assertion that as a result
of NAFTA "Wages in the US will have to fall, so that
American companies and workers can compete with Mexico."
[9] Concerns about job and wage pressures due to free trade
are heightened in the NAFTA context because Mexico is a relatively
low-wage country. As noted in "Helping US Workers,"
the public is less likely to support reciprocal free trade
if the potential partner is a low-wage country.
Another recent question has asked about the impact of “free
trade agreements like NAFTA and the WTO…on the financial
situation of you and your family” (Pew/CCFR, July 2004).
A plurality of 41% said it had hurt their situation, while
36% said it had helped. Another 25% volunteered neither (12%)
or said they didn’t know (13%).[9a]
Americans have also expressed concerns about the impact of
NAFTA on the environment. The July 2004 CCFR poll found a
plurality (48%) saying NAFTA was bad for the environment,
while just 34% said it was good. Several polls taken during
the extensive debate on NAFTA in 1993 also found a plurality
or majority of Americans expressing the view that NAFTA would
have a negative effect on the environment. In September and
November 1993, CNN/USA Today polls found majorities (61% and
57%, respectively) agreeing with the statement, "The
environment will suffer, as U.S. businesses move to Mexico
to avoid the stricter environmental standards in the U.S."
In November 1993, an ABC News/ Washington Post poll, 49% agreed
(and 41% disagreed) that NAFTA "will damage Mexico's
environment as more factories locate there." Earlier
that year, in May, a Time/CNN offered respondents three options
as to what impact NAFTA would have on "environmental
pollution near the border between the United States and Mexico."
Forty-three percent said the trade agreement would make it
worse, 26% said it would have no effect, and 15% felt it would
make pollution better.[10]
The Evolution of Attitudes on NAFTA
Attitudes about NAFTA have gone through a complex evolution.
In 1991, Gallup polls found support for the North American
free trade idea to be quite high - in two polls that year,
over 70% said it would be good for the US. But support had
dropped dramatically by late 1992 - to 54% in a September
Gallup poll, and then to 46% in an October Newsweek survey.[11]
The high-profile debate of 1993 engendered even more uncertainty,
and the public became quite divided by the fall of 1993. The
rise to prominence of Ross Perot during the 1992 campaign
and his strong opposition to further trade agreements, as
well as the modest recession of 1991-92 may well have contributed
to dampening support for the expansion of free trade, especially
in light of concerns that US workers would be forced to compete
with low-wage workers in Mexico.
At the time of NAFTA's passage, several polls found the public
virtually evenly split on whether it favored or opposed the
trade pact. In early November 1993, a Time/CNN poll found
that 41% supported the agreement to "eliminate all trade
barriers" between the US, Canada, and Mexico. An almost
equal number were opposed (39%), with 20% undecided. At the
same time, ABC News found the public divided as to whether
"Congress should approve or reject NAFTA": 42% said
they should and 42% said they should not. Also, a CBS/New
York Times poll in November 1993 found 37% in favor and 41%
opposed-a difference that falls within the margin of error.[12]
Again, polls that allowed respondents to say they were not
familiar enough with the issue usually found pluralities giving
such a response.[13] This very mixed response to NAFTA is
not surprising given the intensity of the debate among experts
and the complexity of the issues involved.
However, in December, after Congress approved the trade deal,
the public expressed stronger support. An NBC/Wall Street
Journal poll found that 53% of Americans said it was a "step
in the right direction," and just 33% said it was a "step
in the wrong direction."[14] In other contexts, research
has shown that public support for a contested policy increases
once US leadership resolves its internal differences enough
that action is taken. Also, as noted, Americans came into
the debate with an initial positive orientation to the idea
of NAFTA.
Between 1994 and 1997, as NAFTA went into effect, a plurality
felt that the net results of NAFTA for the US were initially
more negative than positive. For example, between July 1994
and July 1997, four NBC/Wall Street Journal polls asked the
public for an assessment of NAFTA's "impact" on
the US "so far." In every case, a modest plurality,
ranging from 35% to 48% said they believed NAFTA had "more
of a negative impact" on the US. Those saying it had
a more positive impact ranged from 21% to 32%. Very large
percentages continued to express uncertainty.[15]
Still, other polls taken during this period by CBS News, Times
Mirror and Harris found a slim plurality in support of the
trade pact more generally, indicating that these negative
views probably hinged on an interim assessment of impact,
not a conclusion that NAFTA was a mistake overall. For example,
Times Mirror found 43% in favor, 38% opposed (March 1995),
and Harris found 48% in favor, 39% opposed (April 1995). A
CBS News question found in October 1996 that about half preferred
to say they did not know enough to say, but of the remainder,
those who favored NAFTA outnumbered those who opposed it by
about three to two.[16] As noted, in late 1997 support increased
and has stayed relatively steady since.
In general, the modest support for NAFTA is consistent with
modest support for free trade overall. Moreover, solid majorities
have said they support free trade agreements with other countries
(see "US Trade Policy").
CAFTA
As with NAFTA, there is substantial public ambivalence in
overall attitudes about the Central American Free Trade Agreement,
or CAFTA, which was approved by Congress in 2005. Recent polls
show that a plurality favors the agreement when told that
“US and some countries of Central America have negotiated
a treaty called the Central American Free Trade Agreement
that is similar to what the US now has with Mexico and Canada
in NAFTA.” When PIPA asked this question in June 2005
and January 2004, 50% and 49%, respectively said they favored
Congress approving such an agreement. Each time, about 2 in
5 opposed Congressional approval. However, an Ipsos Public
Affairs poll in February 2005 listed all of the countries
party to the agreement – including the US, Costa Rica,
El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and the Dominican
Republic - and said CAFTA would “eliminate almost all
restrictions on imports, exports, and business investments
between the countries.” Hearing this detail, only 32%
favored the agreement and 51% expressed opposition. [17]
Concerns about CAFTA are dominated by the same cluster of
issues that drive reservations about free trade and NAFTA
– worries about jobs and wages, about its potential
impact on the environment and worker rights, and about its
lack of public involvement. In the Ipsos poll cited above,
when those who opposed CAFTA were asked why in an open-ended
question, a majority (52%) chose that it would hurt jobs in
the US. Smaller percentages expressed general opposition to
free trade (10%) and concerns for jobs and working conditions
in Central America (10% combined).
A series of arguments were then posed, and after each one
respondents were asked if the statement made them more or
less likely to support CAFTA. Majorities said they would be
less likely to support it for the following reasons:
| The agreement does not include any requirements
for Central American countries to protect the environment
and restrict child labor. |
69% less likely |
| |
|
| The agreement is a bad idea for U.S. workers because
companies will move manufacturing jobs overseas for cheaper
labor. |
60% less likely |
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|
| CAFTA may devastate key industries such as manufacturing
and farm commodities |
55% less likely |
| |
|
| The agreement erodes U.S. sovereignty by allowing foreign
corporations to sue the U.S. outside of our judicial system. |
54% less likely |
In an open-ended question, those who supported CAFTA were
driven primarily by a general support for free trade (39%),
the idea that it would create jobs in the US (19%) and also
for the altruistic reason that it would create jobs in Central
America (16%). In addition, no argument in the battery noted
above influenced a majority to be more likely to support the
bill. However, pluralities were more likely to support CAFTA
when told that “By opening new markets to American goods,
CAFTA could help to lower our trade deficit” (47% percent)
and that. CAFTA will improve the economies in the six countries
outside the United States and significantly reduce immigration
to the U.S” (45% more likely). The first of these is
a highly dubious argument, while the latter contains both
altruistic and self-interested reasons.[18]
After the various arguments were presented, respondents were
again asked about their support for CAFTA. Opposition rose
to 54% and support declined to 30%. [19]
When asked to evaluate CAFTA in the context of trade-offs,
Americans again came down in favor of preserving US jobs,
as they do in almost all trade questions, and expressed concern
about CAFTA’s impact on immigration and terrorism. In
Ipsos poll, an overwhelming 74% said they would oppose CAFTA
if it “reduces prices you pay as a consumer but eliminates
jobs for U.S. workers.” Just 17% said they would favor
it given those circumstances. Moreover, when asked to choose
between two statements, a plurality of 41% chose “CAFTA
will open our borders to Central America, which will pose
a risk to U.S. security by making it easier for terrorists
to attack in the U.S.” as opposed to 34% who believed
“CAFTA will help the U.S. (United States) win allies
in Central America and promote peace in the region and thus
decrease the risk of terrorist attacks in the U.S.”
[20]
It is clear, however, that under certain conditions, support
for CAFTA would rise to a strong majority. As noted above,
in the June 2005 PIPA poll, 50% expressed overall support
for CAFTA while 39% were opposed. Different samples of those
who were opposed were then asked follow-up questions to see
what conditions would increase support for the agreement.
When asked to reconsider their opinion if the US government
were to “substantially increase federal spending on
programs to help American workers who lose their jobs,”
40% said they would then favor CAFTA (55% of the total sample.)
If asked to suppose the US government would “make sure
that Central American countries enforce health and safety
standards for their workers,” 31% changed their view,
thus increasing overall support to 51%. If it was suggested
that “the US government, as part of CAFTA, were to commit
to substantially increase federal spending on programs to
help American workers who lose their jobs, AND to make sure
that Central American countries enforce health and safety
standards for their workers,” 65% of those opposed switched
to support of CAFTA. This represents 64% approval overall.
[21]
Support for FTAA
Although very little polling has been done on the issue, it
appears that there is majority support for expanding free
trade to more American countries and thus there would likely
be support for what has been proposed as a Free Trade Area
of the Americas (or FTAA). Most recently, CCFR asked about
this issue in July 2004: “As you may know, the US and
most countries of North, Central and South America have been
discussing the possibility of having a Free Trade Agreement
of the Americas, similar to what the US now has with Mexico
and Canada in NAFTA. Would you favor or oppose having such
a new agreement?” A majority of 59% supported the idea,
while 30% opposed it. This is higher than the results PIPA
found when it asked the same question in January of 2004.
At that time, 52% favored the idea and 40% opposed it.[22]
A higher level of approval was registered during the economic
boom of the late 1990s. An August 1998 Market Strategies survey
found that a strong 67% majority supported the US "negotiating
free trade agreements with South American nations"; just
23% opposed the idea.
This was up substantially from earlier polls, the results
of which more closely resemble attitudes in 2004. In October
1996 CBS News poll, when support for NAFTA was at a low point,
respondents were divided (46% favor, 45% oppose) on "expanding
NAFTA to include free trade with other Latin American countries.
Back in December 1994, a year after NAFTA was passed, a slim
majority of 52% favored and 35% opposed "having the US
negotiate a similar trade agreement with all the nations of
Latin America and South America" (NBC/Wall Street Journal).
[23]
These results indicate a modest foundation of public support,
but they should be viewed with some skepticism. Americans
tend to support the growth of trade in principle; however,
as the issue becomes more salient and the issues become more
concrete to respondents, other value concerns may rise to
the surface and responses may become more divided and support
more conditional on these other issues being addressed. As
discussed, attitudes about NAFTA were much more positive in
1991 and 1992, before it became widely debated in 1993. Moreover,
as discussed in "US Trade Policy," over the last
few years, a majority has not supported Congress granting
the President "fast track" (now called "trade
promotion authority"), which is basically a prerequisite
for proceeding with further free trade negotiations.
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